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Participants: Bishop Artemije, Joseph Grieboski, Vuk Jeremic, Ft. Irinej

Bishop Artemije: Kosovo-Metohija is the most important question facing our people. Do not be surprised if I say things you’ve heard before; things there are always the same. Reading about Kosovo is different from suffering there for five and a half years now.

Kosovo is an open wound, that has been bleeding since 1999. We who have lived in Kosovo/Metohija yearned for the end of the war, and even the arrival of NATO, thinking it would end the conflict and suffering. But when UNMIK and KFOR came, based on UNSCR 1244 and with clear mandate to bring peace and security to all, they have not done so.

They brought safety and peace to Albanians only. For all others, suffering, rape, murder, robbery, arson and destruction have continued ever since. This has taken place under the rule of UN and NATO, and even the United States. It is impossible to list everything that has happened, unprecedented in the history of any “peace.” Since June 1999, two-thirds of the Serb population have been expelled; one-third remains, thanks to the Church that stayed with its people. The SOC was the only organization that cared for the people, fed them, and even defended them from Albanian terrorists.

Over 70,000 houses have been destroyed, thousands of villages obliterated, 115 churches and monasteries destroyed prior to 17 March. Serbs have been corralled in an “Archipelago” of enclaves, surrounded by hostile Albanians. We have no human rights: no right to live; no freedom of movement beyond the enclaves; no right to work, expelled from all enterprises and institutions; no education, as children have to be home-schooled; no healthcare, as all hospitals are Albanian, and admit neither Serb physicians nor patients. (The only exception is Mitrovica, where the hospital happened to be on the Serb side. Generally, Serbs are forced to go elsewhere for any serious healthcare).

The culmination of our suffering was the pogrom of March 17-18. The international community [hereon: IntCom] could no longer ignore crimes. We got many promises, but no houses were rebuilt, no people returned. Of course, IntCom propaganda tells of returns and rebuilding, to create “success” where there isn’t any.

We expect the Diaspora to demand of the IntCom to fulfill its own obligations outlined in UNSCR 1244. It is impossible to resolve the problem of Kosovo-Metohija without the Serbs and Serbia. We insist that any solution honors UNSCR 1244, and not create new states or shift borders. Otherwise the Serbs won’t survive.

All Serbs are from Kosovo spiritually It is our responsibility to keep in Serbian.

Vuk Jeremic: President Tadic regrets being unable to attend, but sends me instead, with best wishes to the SUC and the Convention. Serbia is in “dire need” of Diaspora’s aid. Situation in Serbia politics right now is “particularly tenuous,” because Kosovo-Metohija is at the heard of debate. Elections in KiM are tomorrow [Oct. 23], and the question was whether Belgrade would call on Serbs to participate. There is some confusion as to what was Belgrade’s message.

Bishop Artemije said what needs to be said about the Serbs’ position there. Tomorrow’s elections aren’t going to be free or fair. Boycott makes sense. Tadic has heard all these arguments and appreciates them. But he believed there were stronger arguments for participation, most of all the importance of staying engaged, “staying in the game,” having a voice at the table. The IntCom is in position to decide the future of Kosovo whether we play along or not. The duty of the Belgrade leadership is to do their best and try everything to preserve Serb presence in KiM.

The provisional government in KiM is in bad shape. Proof that something was rotten therein was the March violence. Something is really profoundly wrong with the PISG. But Tadic’s answer on participation is still “Yes,” because Serbs need a voice, a re-institutionalization of our presence. Lots of Serbs responded to Tadic’s call, even registered a List.

Tadic demands Serb municipalities, with their own police, courts, education, healthcare and welfare. All participants of the List have signed resignations, which Tadic will submit to UNMIK if these demands aren’t met in 90 days.

Our presence in the institutions will give us a louder voice in the process of discussing the final status. This is something we’ll be forced to confront in 6-9 months, and we need to be prepared. Albanians will ask for independence. This is not acceptable to any government in Belgrade, not even Tadic. But we haven’t gone beyond drawing this line in the sand. What we need is to lay out a vision of lasting peace as an alternative to independence.

One argument for independence is that it would promote stability. But there won’t be peace in the Balkans without a democratic Serbia, and the independence of KiM would destroy the hopes for that. So, we want to talk to the Albanians. Mid-2005, the IntCom will force a dialogue anyway.

Tadic’s proposal to IntCom and the Albanians is insisting on commonalities, rather than divisions. We both have a common desire for joining the EU and having an Euro-Atlantic future. We can work together and help each other to achieve this, instead of frustrating each other’s efforts. This is in IntCom’s interest, as it resolves the last remaining problem in Europe [the Balkans]. The best way to resolve it is to integrate it into EU and NATO; the only way to integrate it is to make it stable and democratic; and for that, it takes both sides. Our proposal is an alternative the IntCom may accept.

Serbia has little influence on Kosovo. Belgrade has no intention of giving Albanians independence, but it can be a constructive partner if in return they can meet basic demands that meet minimum EU standards, and without which they will never reach EU and NATO. We can help them, if they help us build a multi-ethnic Kosovo. Once we enter EU and NATO, we’ll be in a much more relaxed position to discuss the issues of sovereignty.

Europeans are very interested in this argument; it was very well received in Brussels. Germans like it; Tadic goes to Berlin next week, then on to Moscow and Paris. But to do this, it is necessary to remain engaged, or there will be no ears willing to listen.

We need the Diaspora to help persuade its representatives [of this argument]. This is a battle for Kosovo that we cannot afford to lose, and Washington will likely be the ultimate battleground.

Fr. Irinej: Bishop Artemije said everything that needed to be said about the situation in Kosovo. It is very difficult to understand the plight of those who live there without actually experiencing it.

I wanted to mention two moments from my visit to Kosovo with a delegation of American religious leaders this summer. During the visit to the ruins of Devic monastery, I was literally speechless when I saw the nuns living in containers. But a Black Baptist preacher, Reverend Faulkner, knelt before the charred and broken altar, lifted his hands towards the heavens, and prayed. In Prizren, when we were surrounded by a threatening Albanian mob and out Ukrainian NATO escorts were cocking their weapons, he told me: “I thought I understood prejudice. This is the first time I’ve seen prejudice between people of the same skin color.”

What is the Serbian Church doing to maintain awareness of the plight in KiM? This is not an easy task. His Grace the Bishop visited and spoke in the US many times. The Office of External Affairs served that purpose, making many contacts, before turning over its office to the SUC. We do everything we can to help with political and diplomatic solutions, as has been the traditional role of the Church. For us, truth is not a commodity, but the incarnated Christ.

Just as His Grace was asked to speak in the UN and the US Congress, I was asked to speak in the British Parliament. Princess Linda came with me, and talked about her visit to Kosovo. As a result, Her Majesty’s government dispatched, Prof. Amadeo Watkins to speak to Serbian authorities and the Church to “re-conceptualize” the policy on Kosovo, which compelled the actions of the British government.

I also addressed the representatives of 26 parliaments at a conference in Brussels this August. My presentation upset the Turks, but it impressed the Italians. The Church had just decorated the “Folgore” division with the Order of St. Sava for defending the Decani monastery during the March pogrom.

I was also asked to expedite the conclusions of the Orthodox Bishops’ Conference to over 70 governments in the world, urging them to find a just solution to Kosovo, to preserve the Serb community and KiM in Serbia.

I’ve also discussed the public role of the Church – which is not to interfere in politics, but to stay engaged in public. This is a position we were denied for the past 60 years, and there are still misconceptions about.

The Serbian Orthodox Church is working ceaselessly to bring KiM to light and find a just solution.

Joseph Grieboski: Earlier this year, Sen. Voinovich chaired a hearing on Kosovo at which I testified that “inaction on our part makes us moral accomplices to crimes taking place there now.” One reason Christian believers are interested in Kosovo and Metohija is because it shows what can happen to Christians elsewhere.

The IntCom created a system that failed in its responsibilities. NATO intervened in 1999 to protect the Albanians, but we have not protected the Serbs. KiM is thus a model of what can go wrong in other places, such as Iraq and Afghanistan, and what happens when faiths don’t communicate and understand that their mission is peace.

When I was in Devic with Fr. Irinej – and I can never erase the unacceptable horror I saw there from my mind – he told me something important: “If this is not a war against Christianity, tell me what is!”

Our problem is a lack of faith, a war against believers, against those who believe there is Truth. Our delegation decided to “spiritually adopt” Kosovo churches, to help rebuild them. I apologize our response has been slow, but there has been both education and action. It is difficult to engage believers to act. I ask you to reach out to other Christians, other believers, and ask them to help stop the suffering.

The painful defeat of HR 28 was a good start. This is a cause larger than any individual, a cause for us all. I promise that our commitment to KiM will continue despite any final status decision, and that American religious community will remain involved and committed to justice in KiM.

Questions and Answers:

- By breaking every promise, and by its recent attacks on the SOC and the Bishop, UNMIK has demonstrated that it cannot be trusted. Is it not part of the problem, rather than part of the solution?

Bishop Artemije: UNMIK has its own policy. The fifth viceroy, as the four before him, are people who implement policies they did not create, executors of policies crafted in Washington, Brussels, New York. Their recent attack on us is unprecedented, yes. It shows they are losing patience, and are increasingly frustrated by their failure. Facts indicate that the UNMIK has suffered a complete failure. It is therefore not surprising they attack us and hate us. Perhaps that is what goes by “democracy” in Kosovo.

- Will the Serbs’ participation in the election legitimize the poll, and thus accept status “before standards”? Is Tadic prepared to resign himself if this plan fails?

Vuk Jeremic: It would legitimize the elections by definition, yes. But it doesn’t show that we accept status, because standards demand free elections and working institutions. Tadic does not intend to resign, and does not think he should. The five years of tragedy we’ve gone through happened under the leadership of which Tadic was not a member. This is his first attempt to involve himself in the diplomatic process. He is essentially saying, “Give me 90 days and I will try to do something. If it does not work, we will try something else.” Others have tried before. It is our turn now.

- How are you prepared to deal with the possibility of a new administration?

Joseph Grieboski: We must always keep in mind the nature of politics. We must have strategies prepared, but continue to deal with this administration. It is not if, but how we should face the question. There are ways to deal with issues no matter who is in charge.

Vuk Jeremic: We are counting with this possibility. Conventional wisdom suggests dealing with Republicans would be easier than dealing with Democrats, because of the people involved. But we should also try to exploit the possibilities a Kerry administration might open. Kerry promises to “mend fences” with Europe. I think Kosovo could be a place for EU and US to come together, because Kosovo is the biggest challenge for the new EU foreign and defense policy, and an easier challenge than the Middle East. The EU’s voice will have to be heard, and a policy of engagement will be necessary. No outcome is a catastrophe. We are working on both sides of the aisle in Congress.

Fr. Irinej: It is not my place to offer political advice. But a common Serb approach is “all or nothing.” We should not pin our hopes on one administration. Armenians and Greeks have people in both camps, so they always win. We have to be proactive, not reactive. Yet Serbs would brand anyone going to Kerry’s camp as a traitor. The Church represents the Truth, and that does not change depending on who is in power.